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В г.Бор вышли в пикет за восстановление Отечества в границах 1945-1991гг.

Участники Национально-освободительного движения за время акции подключили к коллективному иску в Верховный Суд РФ 48 человек, раздали 90 газет "Национальный Курс".

1991 год. К ответу

Битва за суверенитет

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В г.Бор вышли в пикет за восстановление Отечества в границах 1945-1991гг.

Участники Национально-освободительного движения за время акции подключили к коллективному иску в Верховный Суд РФ 48 человек, раздали 90 газет "Национальный Курс".

1991 год. К ответу

Битва за суверенитет

@zimorodok52

BY ZИМОРОДОК




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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. "Markets were cheering this economic recovery and return to strong economic growth, but the cheers will turn to tears if the inflation outbreak pushes businesses and consumers to the brink of recession," he added. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
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