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Фото из архива доцента А.Е. Четверикова. Стройтряды 76-79. Москва 76, автосервис жигули в Кунцево (позднее- техцентр Мерседес). 77-78 дальний стройотряд Шушенское. Перенос поселков, попадающих под затопление Саяно-Шушенской ГЭС, строительство аэропорта в селе Шушенское под открытие мемориала В. И.Ленина. Москва 79, предолимпийский год, Дворец Молодежи м. Фрунзенское.

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Фото из архива доцента А.Е. Четверикова. Стройтряды 76-79. Москва 76, автосервис жигули в Кунцево (позднее- техцентр Мерседес). 77-78 дальний стройотряд Шушенское. Перенос поселков, попадающих под затопление Саяно-Шушенской ГЭС, строительство аэропорта в селе Шушенское под открытие мемориала В. И.Ленина. Москва 79, предолимпийский год, Дворец Молодежи м. Фрунзенское.

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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war.
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