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Ψ£Ω† Ω†ΩƒΩˆΩ†ΩŽ Ω…ΨΉΩ‹Ψ§ΨŒ
Ω„Ψ§ ΩŠΩ‡ΩΩ…Ω‘ ΩƒΩŠΩ Ω†ΩƒΩˆΩ†ΩΨŒ
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BY : 𝖳ِ𝗁ِ𝖾 π—„Ωπ—‚Ωπ–¨Ωπ–¨Ωπ—‚ΩΩŽπ—‡Ωπ—€ π—…ΩΩŽπ—ˆΩπ—π–Ύ .πŸ•·β— .




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"Someone posing as a Ukrainian citizen just joins the chat and starts spreading misinformation, or gathers data, like the location of shelters," Tsekhanovska said, noting how false messages have urged Ukrainians to turn off their phones at a specific time of night, citing cybersafety. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie MarΓ©chal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights.
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Telegram : 𝖳ِ𝗁ِ𝖾 π—„Ωπ—‚Ωπ–¨Ωπ–¨Ωπ—‚ΩΩŽπ—‡Ωπ—€ π—…ΩΩŽπ—ˆΩπ—π–Ύ .πŸ•·β— .
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