И вот что поразительно: Чёрное море на карте уже есть, а ни Украины, ни Древних Укров, прародителей всего сущего, нэмае. А вот выступ суши, ещё не обгрызанный и не ставший Крымским полуостровом, имеет место быть. Следовательно, никаких украинцев (що нэ зъим, то понадкусую) пока не придумали.
И вот что поразительно: Чёрное море на карте уже есть, а ни Украины, ни Древних Укров, прародителей всего сущего, нэмае. А вот выступ суши, ещё не обгрызанный и не ставший Крымским полуостровом, имеет место быть. Следовательно, никаких украинцев (що нэ зъим, то понадкусую) пока не придумали.
Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred."
from sa
