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Бзв, могли б заборонити використовувати російську мову в межах КНУ, але прописати недискримінацію за всіма можливими ознаками, звісно, важливіше 🤮

Висновок: без змін, новий етичний кодекс КНУ залишиться напівімпотентним інструментом проти незручних викладачів і студентів

Як раз під стать ректору



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Бзв, могли б заборонити використовувати російську мову в межах КНУ, але прописати недискримінацію за всіма можливими ознаками, звісно, важливіше 🤮

Висновок: без змін, новий етичний кодекс КНУ залишиться напівімпотентним інструментом проти незручних викладачів і студентів

Як раз під стать ректору

BY Чорний Хубер


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"We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
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