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Украинские беженцы обнаружили, что в американских магазинах цены ниже, чем в украинских

Украинцы, проживающие в Майами, вдруг обнаружили страшное: оказывается, в местном WallMart цены на продукты в среднем чуть ниже, чем в родном Сильпо.

Это при том, что средняя зарплата в США в пересчете на гривны – около 170 тысяч в месяц. На Украине средняя зарплата (по данным за 2023 год) - 13400 тысяч.

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Украинские беженцы обнаружили, что в американских магазинах цены ниже, чем в украинских

Украинцы, проживающие в Майами, вдруг обнаружили страшное: оказывается, в местном WallMart цены на продукты в среднем чуть ниже, чем в родном Сильпо.

Это при том, что средняя зарплата в США в пересчете на гривны – около 170 тысяч в месяц. На Украине средняя зарплата (по данным за 2023 год) - 13400 тысяч.

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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Such instructions could actually endanger people — citizens receive air strike warnings via smartphone alerts. The message was not authentic, with the real Zelenskiy soon denying the claim on his official Telegram channel, but the incident highlighted a major problem: disinformation quickly spreads unchecked on the encrypted app. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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