Аудиокнига "БИТВА ЗА СУВЕРЕНИТЕТ" Евгений Алексеевич Федоров Глава5 Зарождение и становление национально-освободительного движения в современной России. Часть 3 Путин и 2000-е. Первая попытка национально-освободительного восстания.
Аудиокнига "БИТВА ЗА СУВЕРЕНИТЕТ" Евгений Алексеевич Федоров Глава5 Зарождение и становление национально-освободительного движения в современной России. Часть 3 Путин и 2000-е. Первая попытка национально-освободительного восстания.
The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Lastly, the web previews of t.me links have been given a new look, adding chat backgrounds and design elements from the fully-features Telegram Web client. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Anastasia Vlasova/Getty Images In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
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