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🎞 В новом выпуске проекта «Откуда деньги на часы?» мы рассказываем о карьере спикера Мажилиса Ерлана Кошанова, его родне и их активах. У председателя Мажилиса есть достаточно влиятельные родственники, которые занимали и занимают высокие посты на госслужбе. А что касается предпринимательства, то здесь члены семьи Кошанова не очень преуспели. Более-менее серьёзный бизнес есть только у младшего брата спикера Мажилиса – Маргулана Кошанова. Из всей семьи только он может позволить купить брату дорогие часы.

Список всех героев спецпроекта «Откуда деньги на часы?» можно посмотреть здесь.

https://youtu.be/PvhMB3IyTAs?si=WiPrxoy8BF-CjJC_
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🎞 В новом выпуске проекта «Откуда деньги на часы?» мы рассказываем о карьере спикера Мажилиса Ерлана Кошанова, его родне и их активах. У председателя Мажилиса есть достаточно влиятельные родственники, которые занимали и занимают высокие посты на госслужбе. А что касается предпринимательства, то здесь члены семьи Кошанова не очень преуспели. Более-менее серьёзный бизнес есть только у младшего брата спикера Мажилиса – Маргулана Кошанова. Из всей семьи только он может позволить купить брату дорогие часы.

Список всех героев спецпроекта «Откуда деньги на часы?» можно посмотреть здесь.

https://youtu.be/PvhMB3IyTAs?si=WiPrxoy8BF-CjJC_

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In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. On Telegram’s website, it says that Pavel Durov “supports Telegram financially and ideologically while Nikolai (Duvov)’s input is technological.” Currently, the Telegram team is based in Dubai, having moved around from Berlin, London and Singapore after departing Russia. Meanwhile, the company which owns Telegram is registered in the British Virgin Islands. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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