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Пронько: Я не ханжа, но эта мерзость накрыла Россию

В России много разных проблем. Однако, на мой взгляд, нецензурная брань становится одной из ключевых. На вид умные и образованные, молодые и постарше, дамы и мужчины кроют так, что уши заворачиваются. Брань становится связующим звеном их речи. И самое главное – они не стесняются употреблять эту мерзость в публичных местах. Не стыдятся людей, которые сидят за соседним столиком или случайно оказались в их компании в общественных местах

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Пронько: Я не ханжа, но эта мерзость накрыла Россию

В России много разных проблем. Однако, на мой взгляд, нецензурная брань становится одной из ключевых. На вид умные и образованные, молодые и постарше, дамы и мужчины кроют так, что уши заворачиваются. Брань становится связующим звеном их речи. И самое главное – они не стесняются употреблять эту мерзость в публичных местах. Не стыдятся людей, которые сидят за соседним столиком или случайно оказались в их компании в общественных местах

▶️ Царьград. Видео | Подпишись

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Founder Pavel Durov says tech is meant to set you free The channel appears to be part of the broader information war that has developed following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin has paid Russian TikTok influencers to push propaganda, according to a Vice News investigation, while ProPublica found that fake Russian fact check videos had been viewed over a million times on Telegram. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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