La Russia non è nostra nemica? L'infiltrazione della propaganda russa in Italia | con M. Coccia
A partire da alcuni suoi articoli su Linkiesta, Massimiliano Coccia ci racconta i retroscena della propaganda russa in Italia. Dai manifesti 'La Russia non è mio nemico', alle scuole d'arte finanziate dagli oligarchi.
La Russia non è nostra nemica? L'infiltrazione della propaganda russa in Italia | con M. Coccia
A partire da alcuni suoi articoli su Linkiesta, Massimiliano Coccia ci racconta i retroscena della propaganda russa in Italia. Dai manifesti 'La Russia non è mio nemico', alle scuole d'arte finanziate dagli oligarchi.
There was another possible development: Reuters also reported that Ukraine said that Belarus could soon join the invasion of Ukraine. However, the AFP, citing a Pentagon official, said the U.S. hasn’t yet seen evidence that Belarusian troops are in Ukraine. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. Markets continued to grapple with the economic and corporate earnings implications relating to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. “We have a ton of uncertainty right now,” said Stephanie Link, chief investment strategist and portfolio manager at Hightower Advisors. “We’re dealing with a war, we’re dealing with inflation. We don’t know what it means to earnings.”
from sg
