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Четвертый день школы был посвящен проблеме оценки Кантом многоконфессиональности и разбору его концепции этической общности. В первой части конференции молодых ученых Александр Михайловский (ВШЭ, МФТИ) представил анализ кантовской критики понятия «поповство» (Pfaffentum), а также оценил роль этой критики для политико-теологического и этико-юридического дискурса поздних кантовских работ. Михаил Афанасьев (БФУ им. И. Канта) рассмотрел теологическое и этическое основание кантовского запрета на сопротивление. Дарья Козлова (МГУ им. М. В. Ломоносова) проанализировала особенности трактовок концепции войны и мира Канта в ряде современных направлений теории международных отношений и определила характер влияния политической теологии Канта на рассматриваемую им проблему войны и мира.



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Четвертый день школы был посвящен проблеме оценки Кантом многоконфессиональности и разбору его концепции этической общности. В первой части конференции молодых ученых Александр Михайловский (ВШЭ, МФТИ) представил анализ кантовской критики понятия «поповство» (Pfaffentum), а также оценил роль этой критики для политико-теологического и этико-юридического дискурса поздних кантовских работ. Михаил Афанасьев (БФУ им. И. Канта) рассмотрел теологическое и этическое основание кантовского запрета на сопротивление. Дарья Козлова (МГУ им. М. В. Ломоносова) проанализировала особенности трактовок концепции войны и мира Канта в ряде современных направлений теории международных отношений и определила характер влияния политической теологии Канта на рассматриваемую им проблему войны и мира.

BY Академия Кантиана / Academia Kantiana








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Since its launch in 2013, Telegram has grown from a simple messaging app to a broadcast network. Its user base isn’t as vast as WhatsApp’s, and its broadcast platform is a fraction the size of Twitter, but it’s nonetheless showing its use. While Telegram has been embroiled in controversy for much of its life, it has become a vital source of communication during the invasion of Ukraine. But, if all of this is new to you, let us explain, dear friends, what on Earth a Telegram is meant to be, and why you should, or should not, need to care. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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Telegram Академия Кантиана / Academia Kantiana
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