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Намедни я испытал родительский шок. Младшая дочь, которой сейчас 12 лет, призналась, что лет до пяти-шести она была уверена, что индейка - это жена индейца. Всё бы ничего, со всяким бывает, да только при этом она спокойно эту индейку ела, мол, курица кончилась, жаль конечно, что придётся бедную индейку хавать.



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Намедни я испытал родительский шок. Младшая дочь, которой сейчас 12 лет, призналась, что лет до пяти-шести она была уверена, что индейка - это жена индейца. Всё бы ничего, со всяким бывает, да только при этом она спокойно эту индейку ела, мол, курица кончилась, жаль конечно, что придётся бедную индейку хавать.

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Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Such instructions could actually endanger people — citizens receive air strike warnings via smartphone alerts. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change.
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