Печатаем шаблоны (любые картинки, например, как в посте ниже), вырезаем, ламинируем и снова вырезаем (можно скотчем с двух сторон), можно напечатать на плотном картоне. Игра готова! С малышами подбираем подходящие по цвету прищепки, я свои купила прищепки в Фикс Прайсе.
Сначала малыш не сможет прицепить прищепки, но будет снимать их. Мы же показываем, как нужно, проговариваем, что к чему подходит. Для развития речи во время игры проговариваем легкие стишки про солнышко, тучку, овощи.
Печатаем шаблоны (любые картинки, например, как в посте ниже), вырезаем, ламинируем и снова вырезаем (можно скотчем с двух сторон), можно напечатать на плотном картоне. Игра готова! С малышами подбираем подходящие по цвету прищепки, я свои купила прищепки в Фикс Прайсе.
Сначала малыш не сможет прицепить прищепки, но будет снимать их. Мы же показываем, как нужно, проговариваем, что к чему подходит. Для развития речи во время игры проговариваем легкие стишки про солнышко, тучку, овощи.
The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
from sg
