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«Под ёлочку» школы Ленобласти принимают обновления автопарка.

Автобусы отечественные, в каждом — удобные сиденья с ремнями безопасности, кнопка для остановки по требованию и система оповещения в экстренных ситуациях.

В 13 районов области передали 40 школьных автобусов.



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«Под ёлочку» школы Ленобласти принимают обновления автопарка.

Автобусы отечественные, в каждом — удобные сиденья с ремнями безопасности, кнопка для остановки по требованию и система оповещения в экстренных ситуациях.

В 13 районов области передали 40 школьных автобусов.

BY Александр ДроZденко




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The message was not authentic, with the real Zelenskiy soon denying the claim on his official Telegram channel, but the incident highlighted a major problem: disinformation quickly spreads unchecked on the encrypted app. The fake Zelenskiy account reached 20,000 followers on Telegram before it was shut down, a remedial action that experts say is all too rare. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Since its launch in 2013, Telegram has grown from a simple messaging app to a broadcast network. Its user base isn’t as vast as WhatsApp’s, and its broadcast platform is a fraction the size of Twitter, but it’s nonetheless showing its use. While Telegram has been embroiled in controversy for much of its life, it has become a vital source of communication during the invasion of Ukraine. But, if all of this is new to you, let us explain, dear friends, what on Earth a Telegram is meant to be, and why you should, or should not, need to care. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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