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С блатным А219МР77 поехал новый мерс Геннадия Дюмина, отца фаворита президента Алексея Дюмина. Старые авто Геннадия купила фирма Ирвин 2, концерн Фармэко. Это была взятка благоворительность. Фармэко нанял 71-летнего пенса Геннадия. И начал его обогащать, как уникального топа фармацевтики. Когда Алексей Дюмин стал тульским губером, концерн впрягся спонсировать его идеи. Благодарность откатила с миллиардными госзаказами, что выпали Ирвин 2 и Фармэко. Их акционеров несколько. Львовский украинец Владимир Бабий. Министр Сергей Шматко. И Майя Болотова, дочь Николая Токарева из Транснефти. На Инфобомбе был пост, как от Майи гулял муженёк.



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С блатным А219МР77 поехал новый мерс Геннадия Дюмина, отца фаворита президента Алексея Дюмина. Старые авто Геннадия купила фирма Ирвин 2, концерн Фармэко. Это была взятка благоворительность. Фармэко нанял 71-летнего пенса Геннадия. И начал его обогащать, как уникального топа фармацевтики. Когда Алексей Дюмин стал тульским губером, концерн впрягся спонсировать его идеи. Благодарность откатила с миллиардными госзаказами, что выпали Ирвин 2 и Фармэко. Их акционеров несколько. Львовский украинец Владимир Бабий. Министр Сергей Шматко. И Майя Болотова, дочь Николая Токарева из Транснефти. На Инфобомбе был пост, как от Майи гулял муженёк.

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Ukrainian forces successfully attacked Russian vehicles in the capital city of Kyiv thanks to a public tip made through the encrypted messaging app Telegram, Ukraine's top law-enforcement agency said on Tuesday. "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. Asked about its stance on disinformation, Telegram spokesperson Remi Vaughn told AFP: "As noted by our CEO, the sheer volume of information being shared on channels makes it extremely difficult to verify, so it's important that users double-check what they read." The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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