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بكيت هذه المرة أيضًا بغزارة المطر، بقهر، بإحتراق، بتمنّي، بشوق، بعتمة، بفراغٍ من دونك لا أعرف كيف أفعل تجاهه، بأيامٍ مرورها أشبه بالسكين على روحي، و حتى هذه اللحظة، يتفاقم ألم غيابك و لم أعتاد عليه.
بكيت هذه المرة أيضًا بغزارة المطر، بقهر، بإحتراق، بتمنّي، بشوق، بعتمة، بفراغٍ من دونك لا أعرف كيف أفعل تجاهه، بأيامٍ مرورها أشبه بالسكين على روحي، و حتى هذه اللحظة، يتفاقم ألم غيابك و لم أعتاد عليه.
BY شَهِيق
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"There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. "Russians are really disconnected from the reality of what happening to their country," Andrey said. "So Telegram has become essential for understanding what's going on to the Russian-speaking world." "He has kind of an old-school cyber-libertarian world view where technology is there to set you free," Maréchal said. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
from sg
