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УкрАинство - это ложь, возведённая в абсолют. Бандеровцы взрывают Кураховскую ТЭЦ, чтоб она не досталась России и тут же кривляясь, изображая грусть устами укрАинствующей самки (чтоб было трагичнее) сообщают, что это сделали ВС РФ.
Вот такая у них секта, в которой на белое говорят черное, а не черное белое.
УкрАинство - это ложь, возведённая в абсолют. Бандеровцы взрывают Кураховскую ТЭЦ, чтоб она не досталась России и тут же кривляясь, изображая грусть устами укрАинствующей самки (чтоб было трагичнее) сообщают, что это сделали ВС РФ.
Вот такая у них секта, в которой на белое говорят черное, а не черное белое.
Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report.
from sg