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Как по-разному восприняли программную «Валдайскую речь» Вадик Самойлов и директор «Ельцин-центра».
Первый - вдохновился.
Ну творческий человек, имеет право на сильную формулировку сильного чувства.
Второй - даже не знаем, как оценивать такое решение в такой момент.
Наверное - как показательную реакцию. Или у них в «Ельцин-центре» вечный 1991 и они новости не смотрят?



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Как по-разному восприняли программную «Валдайскую речь» Вадик Самойлов и директор «Ельцин-центра».
Первый - вдохновился.
Ну творческий человек, имеет право на сильную формулировку сильного чувства.
Второй - даже не знаем, как оценивать такое решение в такой момент.
Наверное - как показательную реакцию. Или у них в «Ельцин-центре» вечный 1991 и они новости не смотрят?

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"We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. NEWS In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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