9 ноября Барон Кусов мне сегодня заявил, что Андрианов отказывается танцевать с Вагановой в балете «Жизель», потому что она не дает ему настроения. Я приказал барону Кусову вызвать Андрианова и ему объявить, что это совершенно недопустимо и он будет сильно оштрафован. = Теляковский, 1916 =
9 ноября Барон Кусов мне сегодня заявил, что Андрианов отказывается танцевать с Вагановой в балете «Жизель», потому что она не дает ему настроения. Я приказал барону Кусову вызвать Андрианова и ему объявить, что это совершенно недопустимо и он будет сильно оштрафован. = Теляковский, 1916 =
BY Театральный ежеДневник
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He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. One thing that Telegram now offers to all users is the ability to “disappear” messages or set remote deletion deadlines. That enables users to have much more control over how long people can access what you’re sending them. Given that Russian law enforcement officials are reportedly (via Insider) stopping people in the street and demanding to read their text messages, this could be vital to protect individuals from reprisals. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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