ЦУР ХМАО предлагает интересную стратегию: администраторы учреждений должны снимать героические ролики с сотрудниками, а взамен… обещают скинуться лайками.
Когда принимаешь все попытки повысить вовлеченность, в ход идут все методы😊 Не исключено, что вскоре на вооружении управленцев появится новый инструмент — «лайкометр» для оценки вовлечённости😏
ЦУР ХМАО предлагает интересную стратегию: администраторы учреждений должны снимать героические ролики с сотрудниками, а взамен… обещают скинуться лайками.
Когда принимаешь все попытки повысить вовлеченность, в ход идут все методы😊 Не исключено, что вскоре на вооружении управленцев появится новый инструмент — «лайкометр» для оценки вовлечённости😏
"And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change.
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