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Все, вроде так с изначальным инфо-провалом МО и последующими попытками его исправления. Но "пентагоновская" модель "миротворческих бомбардировок" вряд ли предполагает позиции сухопутных войск под самым Киевом. С другой стороны, если бы их не было там, еще неизвестно, куда бы прилетела "обратка". Но тогда это сложно было бы назвать "спецоперацией".



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Все, вроде так с изначальным инфо-провалом МО и последующими попытками его исправления. Но "пентагоновская" модель "миротворческих бомбардировок" вряд ли предполагает позиции сухопутных войск под самым Киевом. С другой стороны, если бы их не было там, еще неизвестно, куда бы прилетела "обратка". Но тогда это сложно было бы назвать "спецоперацией".

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"For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. As the war in Ukraine rages, the messaging app Telegram has emerged as the go-to place for unfiltered live war updates for both Ukrainian refugees and increasingly isolated Russians alike. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content.
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