Мужчина умер и попал на небо. Подходит к Богу и говорит: -Вот я прожил долгую жизнь, скажи мне, в чём был её смысл? -Ты не захочешь знать. -Ну всё же? -Помнишь 4 года назад ты ехал в поезде Москва-Пермь? -Ну да. . . . . . . . . -Помнишь в вагоне-ресторане тебя попросили передать соль? -Ну да. -Ну вот.
Мужчина умер и попал на небо. Подходит к Богу и говорит: -Вот я прожил долгую жизнь, скажи мне, в чём был её смысл? -Ты не захочешь знать. -Ну всё же? -Помнишь 4 года назад ты ехал в поезде Москва-Пермь? -Ну да. . . . . . . . . -Помнишь в вагоне-ресторане тебя попросили передать соль? -Ну да. -Ну вот.
Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report.
from tr
