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Горит склад Wildberries в Шушарах под Петербургом.

Площадь пожара более 1000 кв. м.
Очередной удар по маркетплейсу империи Бакальчук, погрязшей в скандалах и откровенном вымогательстве с партнеров.
Важно другое, кто возьмет на себя убытки — наверняка никакой страховки товара не было, страхование в России для лохов, а вот кто возместит убытки продавцам, которые пострадали от небрежности складских работников, вопрос очень важный.



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Горит склад Wildberries в Шушарах под Петербургом.

Площадь пожара более 1000 кв. м.
Очередной удар по маркетплейсу империи Бакальчук, погрязшей в скандалах и откровенном вымогательстве с партнеров.
Важно другое, кто возьмет на себя убытки — наверняка никакой страховки товара не было, страхование в России для лохов, а вот кто возместит убытки продавцам, которые пострадали от небрежности складских работников, вопрос очень важный.

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"There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin.
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