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Плата за коммунальные услуги в Югре может вырасти на 9%

С июля 2025 года оплата за коммунальные услуги в Югре может увеличиться на 9%. Также допускается предельно возможная корректировка цен во всех регионах еще на 2,1%. Такое решение приняли власти страны. Документ подписан председателем правительства Михаилом Мишустиным.

В целом средний индекс по регионам России варьируется от 8,6% до 21,1%. Максимальный скачок цен на «коммуналку» планируется в Пермском крае (21,1%), Архангельской (20,0%) и Кемеровской (19,8%) областях.

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Плата за коммунальные услуги в Югре может вырасти на 9%

С июля 2025 года оплата за коммунальные услуги в Югре может увеличиться на 9%. Также допускается предельно возможная корректировка цен во всех регионах еще на 2,1%. Такое решение приняли власти страны. Документ подписан председателем правительства Михаилом Мишустиным.

В целом средний индекс по регионам России варьируется от 8,6% до 21,1%. Максимальный скачок цен на «коммуналку» планируется в Пермском крае (21,1%), Архангельской (20,0%) и Кемеровской (19,8%) областях.

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On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation."
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