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Есть вот такая загадочная периодичность для квазимногочленов с "целыми" коэффициентами. Я знаю доказательство, даже расскажу, но это какая-то магия. И непонятно, есть ли профит.

(По той же схеме доказывается периодичность mod m для операций Адамса в топологической K-теории. Профиты от этой периодичности тоже не очень понимаю, но при m=2 она вроде нужна чтобы доказать инъективность J-гомоморфизма в размерностях 0,1 mod 8...)



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Есть вот такая загадочная периодичность для квазимногочленов с "целыми" коэффициентами. Я знаю доказательство, даже расскажу, но это какая-то магия. И непонятно, есть ли профит.

(По той же схеме доказывается периодичность mod m для операций Адамса в топологической K-теории. Профиты от этой периодичности тоже не очень понимаю, но при m=2 она вроде нужна чтобы доказать инъективность J-гомоморфизма в размерностях 0,1 mod 8...)

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This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. Two days after Russia invaded Ukraine, an account on the Telegram messaging platform posing as President Volodymyr Zelenskiy urged his armed forces to surrender. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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