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Национально- освободительная борьба за суверенитет идёт более 20 лет. В.В.Путин, не имея власти (Президент не является органом власти), за это время подготовил страну к победе НОД.
После конституционной реформы в 2020 году, когда ни одно законодательное собрание регионов России не поддержало аннулирование статьи 15.4 Конституции о верховенстве международных принципов над российским законодательством, автоматически запустился процесс военной составляющей национально-освободительного движения....



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Национально- освободительная борьба за суверенитет идёт более 20 лет. В.В.Путин, не имея власти (Президент не является органом власти), за это время подготовил страну к победе НОД.
После конституционной реформы в 2020 году, когда ни одно законодательное собрание регионов России не поддержало аннулирование статьи 15.4 Конституции о верховенстве международных принципов над российским законодательством, автоматически запустился процесс военной составляющей национально-освободительного движения....

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Some people used the platform to organize ahead of the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021, and last month Senator Mark Warner sent a letter to Durov urging him to curb Russian information operations on Telegram. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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