Через час в программе «Внешний контур» с Иваном Стародубцевым, (ТГ- канал «Внешний контур»): Обсуждаем особые российско-белорусские отношения - от военно-политической сферы до экономики - в сегодняшнем эфире с советником-посланником Посольства Республики Беларусь в России Александром Павловичем Шпаковским. Слушайте и смотрите программу в 16:10.
Через час в программе «Внешний контур» с Иваном Стародубцевым, (ТГ- канал «Внешний контур»): Обсуждаем особые российско-белорусские отношения - от военно-политической сферы до экономики - в сегодняшнем эфире с советником-посланником Посольства Республики Беларусь в России Александром Павловичем Шпаковским. Слушайте и смотрите программу в 16:10.
Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
from us
