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Так, це «Наставники» від Чарльз Персі Сноу 🌙

Події розгортаються у 1937 році в неназваному коледжі Кембриджського університету.

І хоч слова «війна», «Гітлер» чи «нацизм» у книзі майже не вживається, але тонкий натяк автора на парарелі — очевидна.

Я вже прочитала понад половину — 185 сторінок. Відгук такий: майже нічого не відбувається, але НУ ДУЖЕ цікаво!

Книжка на гудрідс
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Так, це «Наставники» від Чарльз Персі Сноу 🌙

Події розгортаються у 1937 році в неназваному коледжі Кембриджського університету.

І хоч слова «війна», «Гітлер» чи «нацизм» у книзі майже не вживається, але тонкий натяк автора на парарелі — очевидна.

Я вже прочитала понад половину — 185 сторінок. Відгук такий: майже нічого не відбувається, але НУ ДУЖЕ цікаво!

Книжка на гудрідс

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Following this, Sebi, in an order passed in January 2022, established that the administrators of a Telegram channel having a large subscriber base enticed the subscribers to act upon recommendations that were circulated by those administrators on the channel, leading to significant price and volume impact in various scrips. Asked about its stance on disinformation, Telegram spokesperson Remi Vaughn told AFP: "As noted by our CEO, the sheer volume of information being shared on channels makes it extremely difficult to verify, so it's important that users double-check what they read." The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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