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انجمن علمی اقتصاد کشاورزی دانشگاه تهران | Telegram Webview: aeek_ut_97/1047 -
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با عرض سلام و وقت بخیر
لینک پرسشنامه زیر در راستای انجام پژوهشی با هدف "بررسي تاثیر استفاده از اپلیکیشن های خرید غذا یا موادغذایی بر ارزیابی امنیت غذایی خانوارها" می باشد. خواهشمندم با صرف زمان حدود ۵ دقيقه جهت تكميل پرسشنامه با ما همکاری کنید. پیشاپیش از اختصاص وقت ارزشمندتان بی نهایت سپاسگزارم.
لطفا لينك را با دوستان خود به اشتراك
بگذاريد. 🙏

✔️لینک:

https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfC0XDbLkV6qb5WAFbNI2pemDqIU-ubjNL1HtaeO3DTyQxinQ/viewform?usp=sf_link

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On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. READ MORE "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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