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Второй — зал Сенги Ненгуди. Сделанные из колгот фигуры описаны на музейном шильдике как сочетание скульптуры, перформанса и танца, мне же они напоминают — по пластике и схематичности — что-то среднее между ритуальными инструментами и рогами и черепами животных, вывешенными на стену какой-нибудь сюрреальной хижины. Очень понравилась работа с материалом. Мы вон в детстве колготы на веревочки для помидоров нарезали — может, это оттуда у меня такие ассоциации с деревней, землей.
Там где полукруг шины — «Inside/outside», 1977. Вторая, графичная — «A.C.Q. III», 2016-2017.
Второй — зал Сенги Ненгуди. Сделанные из колгот фигуры описаны на музейном шильдике как сочетание скульптуры, перформанса и танца, мне же они напоминают — по пластике и схематичности — что-то среднее между ритуальными инструментами и рогами и черепами животных, вывешенными на стену какой-нибудь сюрреальной хижины. Очень понравилась работа с материалом. Мы вон в детстве колготы на веревочки для помидоров нарезали — может, это оттуда у меня такие ассоциации с деревней, землей.
Там где полукруг шины — «Inside/outside», 1977. Вторая, графичная — «A.C.Q. III», 2016-2017.
In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. "He has to start being more proactive and to find a real solution to this situation, not stay in standby without interfering. It's a very irresponsible position from the owner of Telegram," she said. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future.
from tw
