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Петр Фрадков ставит вопрос о специальных правилах для ценных бумаг в инфраструктурных отраслях. Например, для выпуска бессрочных облигаций. С этим поспорить тяжело, делать надо. Но я бы прежде оживил бы метод доходности инвестированного капитала, который в основах ценообразования есть, но не применяется. Одно хорошо дополнило бы другое



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Петр Фрадков ставит вопрос о специальных правилах для ценных бумаг в инфраструктурных отраслях. Например, для выпуска бессрочных облигаций. С этим поспорить тяжело, делать надо. Но я бы прежде оживил бы метод доходности инвестированного капитала, который в основах ценообразования есть, но не применяется. Одно хорошо дополнило бы другое

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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Individual messages can be fully encrypted. But the user has to turn on that function. It's not automatic, as it is on Signal and WhatsApp. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. "The result is on this photo: fiery 'greetings' to the invaders," the Security Service of Ukraine wrote alongside a photo showing several military vehicles among plumes of black smoke. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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