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La Russia non è nostra nemica? L'infiltrazione della propaganda russa in Italia | con M. Coccia
A partire da alcuni suoi articoli su Linkiesta, Massimiliano Coccia ci racconta i retroscena della propaganda russa in Italia. Dai manifesti 'La Russia non è mio nemico', alle scuole d'arte finanziate dagli oligarchi.
La Russia non è nostra nemica? L'infiltrazione della propaganda russa in Italia | con M. Coccia
A partire da alcuni suoi articoli su Linkiesta, Massimiliano Coccia ci racconta i retroscena della propaganda russa in Italia. Dai manifesti 'La Russia non è mio nemico', alle scuole d'arte finanziate dagli oligarchi.
Some people used the platform to organize ahead of the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021, and last month Senator Mark Warner sent a letter to Durov urging him to curb Russian information operations on Telegram. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. In this regard, Sebi collaborated with the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) to reduce the vulnerability of the securities market to manipulation through misuse of mass communication medium like bulk SMS. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war.
from tw
