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Санитар Полевого царскосельского военно-санитарного поезда № 143 Ее Императорского Величества Государыни Императрицы Александры Федоровны Сергей Есенин (на 2м фото в первом ряду). 1916-1917 года.

#Российская_империя
#персоналии
#военная_история
#фото



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Санитар Полевого царскосельского военно-санитарного поезда № 143 Ее Императорского Величества Государыни Императрицы Александры Федоровны Сергей Есенин (на 2м фото в первом ряду). 1916-1917 года.

#Российская_империя
#персоналии
#военная_история
#фото

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In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation."
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