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#нампишут

На пересечении ул. Ново-Вокзальная и Стара-Загора сейчас стоят аж 2 стола с мясом и всякой всячиной, напротив дома 139 по Стара-Загора и Сбербанка.

И я в жизни не поверю, что туда встали без "крыши". А чиновники это или полиция - дело десятое.



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#нампишут

На пересечении ул. Ново-Вокзальная и Стара-Загора сейчас стоят аж 2 стола с мясом и всякой всячиной, напротив дома 139 по Стара-Загора и Сбербанка.

И я в жизни не поверю, что туда встали без "крыши". А чиновники это или полиция - дело десятое.

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Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change.
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