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🎥 عشاقِ ایرانی پوتین

چرا دسته‌ای از سیاسیونِ جمهوری اسلامی ایران تا این حد روسوفیل هستند؟

[ گزارش تحلیلی از پایگاه خبری - تحلیلی انتخاب ]



🔴 پی‌نوشت:
بازنشرِ یک ویدئو به معنای تأیید کلِّ محتوای آن نیست.

@IranDel_Channel

💢



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🎥 عشاقِ ایرانی پوتین

چرا دسته‌ای از سیاسیونِ جمهوری اسلامی ایران تا این حد روسوفیل هستند؟

[ گزارش تحلیلی از پایگاه خبری - تحلیلی انتخاب ]



🔴 پی‌نوشت:
بازنشرِ یک ویدئو به معنای تأیید کلِّ محتوای آن نیست.

@IranDel_Channel

💢

BY ایران‌دل | IranDel


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Date: |

But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Messages are not fully encrypted by default. That means the company could, in theory, access the content of the messages, or be forced to hand over the data at the request of a government.
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