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πŸ–₯ Π Π°Π·Π²ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΠ΅ высоких Ρ‚Π΅Ρ…Π½ΠΎΠ»ΠΎΠ³ΠΈΠΉ ΠΈΠ΄Ρ‘Ρ‚ ΠΏΠΎΠ»Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ Ρ…ΠΎΠ΄ΠΎΠΌ. Π—Π° Π½ΠΈΠΌ ΡΠΏΠ΅ΡˆΠΈΡ‚ ΠΈ Ρ†ΠΈΡ„Ρ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎ: Π½Π°Π·Ρ€Π΅Π»Π° Π²Π°ΠΆΠ½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ΅Π½Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΉ Π·Π°ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΠΎΠ΄Π°Ρ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎΠΉ Π±Π°Π·Ρ‹.

ΠœΠ΅Ρ…Π°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌ ЭПР β€” ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€Π° послаблСния Π² ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΌ Ρ€Π΅Π³ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠΈ, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ смогли ΠΈΡΠΏΠΎΠ»ΡŒΠ·ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π½Π° ΠΏΡ€Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠΊΠ΅ собствСнныС Ρ€Π°Π·Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚ΠΊΠΈ.

ΠŸΡ€ΠΈ этом ΠΎΠ½ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΡƒΡ‡Π°ΡŽΡ‚ инструмСнты для испытаний Ρ‚Π΅Ρ…Π½ΠΎΠ»ΠΎΠ³ΠΈΠΉ ΠΈ ΡƒΠ»ΡƒΡ‡ΡˆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡ ΡΡƒΡ‰Π΅ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΡ… ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ΄ΡƒΠΊΡ‚ΠΎΠ². Или ΠΈΠ½Π°Ρ‡Π΅ β€” Π±ΠΎΠ»ΡŒΡˆΡƒΡŽ свободу дСйствий Π½Π° 3 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Π°. Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ ΠΌΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΌΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹ΠΉ срок дСйствия Ρ€Π΅ΠΆΠΈΠΌΠ°, с Π²ΠΎΠ·ΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒΡŽ продлСния Π΅Ρ‰Ρ‘ Π½Π° Π³ΠΎΠ΄.

Если бизнСс ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°ΠΆΠ΅Ρ‚ ΡΡ„Ρ„Π΅ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ½Π½ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ†ΠΈΠΎΠ½Π½Ρ‹Ρ… Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ€ΠΎΠ² ΠΈ услуг, Ρ‚ΠΎ Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ΅ Ρ€Π΅Π³ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠ΅ станСт всСобщим.

βœ”οΈΠŸΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΠΎΠ±Π½Π΅Π΅ ΠΎΠ± ЭПР β€” Π² Π½Π°ΡˆΠΈΡ… ΠΊΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΎΡ‡ΠΊΠ°Ρ….

#ΠΌΠΈΠ½ΡΠΊΠΎΠ±ΡŠΡΡΠ½ΡΠ΅Ρ‚



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πŸ–₯ Π Π°Π·Π²ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΠ΅ высоких Ρ‚Π΅Ρ…Π½ΠΎΠ»ΠΎΠ³ΠΈΠΉ ΠΈΠ΄Ρ‘Ρ‚ ΠΏΠΎΠ»Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ Ρ…ΠΎΠ΄ΠΎΠΌ. Π—Π° Π½ΠΈΠΌ ΡΠΏΠ΅ΡˆΠΈΡ‚ ΠΈ Ρ†ΠΈΡ„Ρ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎ: Π½Π°Π·Ρ€Π΅Π»Π° Π²Π°ΠΆΠ½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ·ΠΌΠ΅Π½Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΉ Π·Π°ΠΊΠΎΠ½ΠΎΠ΄Π°Ρ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎΠΉ Π±Π°Π·Ρ‹.

ΠœΠ΅Ρ…Π°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΌ ЭПР β€” ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€Π° послаблСния Π² ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΌ Ρ€Π΅Π³ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠΈ, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹ ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ смогли ΠΈΡΠΏΠΎΠ»ΡŒΠ·ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π½Π° ΠΏΡ€Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠΊΠ΅ собствСнныС Ρ€Π°Π·Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚ΠΊΠΈ.

ΠŸΡ€ΠΈ этом ΠΎΠ½ΠΈ ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΡƒΡ‡Π°ΡŽΡ‚ инструмСнты для испытаний Ρ‚Π΅Ρ…Π½ΠΎΠ»ΠΎΠ³ΠΈΠΉ ΠΈ ΡƒΠ»ΡƒΡ‡ΡˆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡ ΡΡƒΡ‰Π΅ΡΡ‚Π²ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΡ… ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ΄ΡƒΠΊΡ‚ΠΎΠ². Или ΠΈΠ½Π°Ρ‡Π΅ β€” Π±ΠΎΠ»ΡŒΡˆΡƒΡŽ свободу дСйствий Π½Π° 3 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Π°. Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ ΠΌΠ°ΠΊΡΠΈΠΌΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½Ρ‹ΠΉ срок дСйствия Ρ€Π΅ΠΆΠΈΠΌΠ°, с Π²ΠΎΠ·ΠΌΠΎΠΆΠ½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒΡŽ продлСния Π΅Ρ‰Ρ‘ Π½Π° Π³ΠΎΠ΄.

Если бизнСс ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°ΠΆΠ΅Ρ‚ ΡΡ„Ρ„Π΅ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΠΎΡΡ‚ΡŒ ΠΈΠ½Π½ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ†ΠΈΠΎΠ½Π½Ρ‹Ρ… Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²Π°Ρ€ΠΎΠ² ΠΈ услуг, Ρ‚ΠΎ Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ΅ Ρ€Π΅Π³ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π°Π½ΠΈΠ΅ станСт всСобщим.

βœ”οΈΠŸΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΠΎΠ±Π½Π΅Π΅ ΠΎΠ± ЭПР β€” Π² Π½Π°ΡˆΠΈΡ… ΠΊΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΎΡ‡ΠΊΠ°Ρ….

#ΠΌΠΈΠ½ΡΠΊΠΎΠ±ΡŠΡΡΠ½ΡΠ΅Ρ‚

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the β€œMark Zuckerberg of Russia.” At the start of 2018, the company attempted to launch an Initial Coin Offering (ICO) which would enable it to enable payments (and earn the cash that comes from doing so). The initial signals were promising, especially given Telegram’s user base is already fairly crypto-savvy. It raised an initial tranche of cash – worth more than a billion dollars – to help develop the coin before opening sales to the public. Unfortunately, third-party sales of coins bought in those initial fundraising rounds raised the ire of the SEC, which brought the hammer down on the whole operation. In 2020, officials ordered Telegram to pay a fine of $18.5 million and hand back much of the cash that it had raised. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors.
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