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Между тем подольский музей борьбы с большевизмом (показан в "Биохимии Предательства") продолжает работать.
Не смущают народ ни портреты Краснова, Власова или Фон Паннвица, ни символика подразделений КОНР, ни агитационные материалы НТС. Да и памятник Краснову (на частной территории), надо полагать, тоже никуда не делся.

НеУкраина, куда ей...



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Между тем подольский музей борьбы с большевизмом (показан в "Биохимии Предательства") продолжает работать.
Не смущают народ ни портреты Краснова, Власова или Фон Паннвица, ни символика подразделений КОНР, ни агитационные материалы НТС. Да и памятник Краснову (на частной территории), надо полагать, тоже никуда не делся.

НеУкраина, куда ей...

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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. One thing that Telegram now offers to all users is the ability to “disappear” messages or set remote deletion deadlines. That enables users to have much more control over how long people can access what you’re sending them. Given that Russian law enforcement officials are reportedly (via Insider) stopping people in the street and demanding to read their text messages, this could be vital to protect individuals from reprisals.
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