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πŸ‡ͺπŸ‡ΈπŸ‡ͺπŸ‡Ί Испания Π΄Π°Π»Π° Π·Π΅Π»Ρ‘Π½Ρ‹ΠΉ свСт Β«Π•Π²Ρ€ΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΠΎΠ½ΡƒΒ»

Π‘ΠΎΠ²Π΅Ρ‚ министров Испании ΡƒΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ€Π΄ΠΈΠ» Π²Ρ‹Π΄Π΅Π»Π΅Π½ΠΈΠ΅ Π±ΡŽΠ΄ΠΆΠ΅Ρ‚Π½Ρ‹Ρ… срСдств Π½Π° ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ³Ρ€Π°ΠΌΠΌΡƒ EUROMALE RPAS (Eurodrone). Π‘Ρ‚Ρ€Π°Π½Π° ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎ присоСдиняСтся ΠΊ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ, Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ Π˜Ρ‚Π°Π»ΠΈΠΈ, ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ ΡƒΠΆΠ΅ подписали соглашСниС ΠΎΠ± участии Π² Ρ€Π°Π·Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚ΠΊΠ΅ СвропСйского Π‘ΠŸΠ›Π. Испания ΠΈΠΌΠ΅Π΅Ρ‚ 23-ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΡ†Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π½ΠΎΠ΅ участиС Π² ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ³Ρ€Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ΅.

Eurodrone поступит Π½Π° Π²ΠΎΠΎΡ€ΡƒΠΆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠ΅ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ (12), Π˜Ρ‚Π°Π»ΠΈΠΈ (15), Испании (15) ΠΈ Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ (21). ΠžΠΆΠΈΠ΄Π°Π΅Ρ‚ΡΡ, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎ Π‘ΠŸΠ›Π Π½Π°Ρ‡Π½Π΅Ρ‚ Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΡΠΊΡΠΏΠ»ΡƒΠ°Ρ‚Π°Ρ†ΠΈΡŽ Π² 2027 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ Π² Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ Π² 2028 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ Π²ΠΎ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ.

Eurodrone Π΄ΠΎΠ»ΠΆΠ΅Π½ постСпСнно Π·Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒ находящиСся Π½Π° Π²ΠΎΠΎΡ€ΡƒΠΆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ амСриканскиС ΠΈ ΠΈΠ·Ρ€Π°ΠΈΠ»ΡŒΡΠΊΠΈΠ΅ бСспилотники, Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΈΠ΅ ΠΊΠ°ΠΊ Β«ReaperΒ» ΠΈ Β«HeronΒ».



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πŸ‡ͺπŸ‡ΈπŸ‡ͺπŸ‡Ί Испания Π΄Π°Π»Π° Π·Π΅Π»Ρ‘Π½Ρ‹ΠΉ свСт Β«Π•Π²Ρ€ΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΠΎΠ½ΡƒΒ»

Π‘ΠΎΠ²Π΅Ρ‚ министров Испании ΡƒΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ€Π΄ΠΈΠ» Π²Ρ‹Π΄Π΅Π»Π΅Π½ΠΈΠ΅ Π±ΡŽΠ΄ΠΆΠ΅Ρ‚Π½Ρ‹Ρ… срСдств Π½Π° ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ³Ρ€Π°ΠΌΠΌΡƒ EUROMALE RPAS (Eurodrone). Π‘Ρ‚Ρ€Π°Π½Π° ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠ°Π»ΡŒΠ½ΠΎ присоСдиняСтся ΠΊ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ, Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ Π˜Ρ‚Π°Π»ΠΈΠΈ, ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ ΡƒΠΆΠ΅ подписали соглашСниС ΠΎΠ± участии Π² Ρ€Π°Π·Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚ΠΊΠ΅ СвропСйского Π‘ΠŸΠ›Π. Испания ΠΈΠΌΠ΅Π΅Ρ‚ 23-ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΡ†Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π½ΠΎΠ΅ участиС Π² ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ³Ρ€Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ΅.

Eurodrone поступит Π½Π° Π²ΠΎΠΎΡ€ΡƒΠΆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠ΅ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ (12), Π˜Ρ‚Π°Π»ΠΈΠΈ (15), Испании (15) ΠΈ Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ (21). ΠžΠΆΠΈΠ΄Π°Π΅Ρ‚ΡΡ, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎ Π‘ΠŸΠ›Π Π½Π°Ρ‡Π½Π΅Ρ‚ Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΡΠΊΡΠΏΠ»ΡƒΠ°Ρ‚Π°Ρ†ΠΈΡŽ Π² 2027 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ Π² Π“Π΅Ρ€ΠΌΠ°Π½ΠΈΠΈ ΠΈ Π² 2028 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ Π²ΠΎ Π€Ρ€Π°Π½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ.

Eurodrone Π΄ΠΎΠ»ΠΆΠ΅Π½ постСпСнно Π·Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒ находящиСся Π½Π° Π²ΠΎΠΎΡ€ΡƒΠΆΠ΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ амСриканскиС ΠΈ ΠΈΠ·Ρ€Π°ΠΈΠ»ΡŒΡΠΊΠΈΠ΅ бСспилотники, Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΈΠ΅ ΠΊΠ°ΠΊ Β«ReaperΒ» ΠΈ Β«HeronΒ».

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Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a β€œlegitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The gold standard of encryption, known as end-to-end encryption, where only the sender and person who receives the message are able to see it, is available on Telegram only when the Secret Chat function is enabled. Voice and video calls are also completely encrypted. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" MarΓ©chal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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