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Второй день протестов в Пакистане:

[Десятки] Тысяч сторонников Имран Хана собираются в столице.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ckgdwjp3vqlo?xtor=AL-72-%5Bpartner%5D-%5Bbbc.news.twitter%5D-%5Bheadline%5D-%5Bnews%5D-%5Bbizdev%5D-%5Bisapi%5D&at_bbc_team=editorial&at_link_type=web_link&at_link_id=53D25B38-AB27-11EF-BBC6-A2EB46BF1B84&at_campaign=Social_Flow&at_campaign_type=owned&at_format=link&at_ptr_name=twitter&at_medium=social&at_link_origin=BBCWorld

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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. Perpetrators of such fraud use various marketing techniques to attract subscribers on their social media channels.
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