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🔴 آبادان - سه‌شنبه ۱۱ دی ۱۴۰۳
راهپیمای اعتراضی (دیروز دوشنبه ۱۰ دی ۱۴۰۳)کارکنان پتروشیمی آبادان
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🔴 آبادان - سه‌شنبه ۱۱ دی ۱۴۰۳
راهپیمای اعتراضی (دیروز دوشنبه ۱۰ دی ۱۴۰۳)کارکنان پتروشیمی آبادان
در اعتراض به عدم رفع مشکلات معیشتی


#اتحاد_ملی_ایران 🤝
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@OmidIranAzad

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"And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The Security Service of Ukraine said in a tweet that it was able to effectively target Russian convoys near Kyiv because of messages sent to an official Telegram bot account called "STOP Russian War."
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