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💥Удар по РЛС «Подлет».

23.10.2024 был нанесен удар по радиолокационной станции 48Я6-К1 «Подлет», в районе мыса Тарханкут, Крым.

Удар нанесен с применением ударного БПЛА.

Спустя неделю станция по-прежнему ожидает эвакуации для дальнейшего ремонта.


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💥Удар по РЛС «Подлет».

23.10.2024 был нанесен удар по радиолокационной станции 48Я6-К1 «Подлет», в районе мыса Тарханкут, Крым.

Удар нанесен с применением ударного БПЛА.

Спустя неделю станция по-прежнему ожидает эвакуации для дальнейшего ремонта.


@dosye_shpiona

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In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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