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Жители подсимферопольского села Строгоновка, где накануне похоронили утонувшего в выгребной яме сына активиста [«Хизб ут-Тахрир»], сообщают о прорыве труб Минобороны, которые военные уложили по земле от Тайгинского водохранилища к столице Крыма. // Крымский канал



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Жители подсимферопольского села Строгоновка, где накануне похоронили утонувшего в выгребной яме сына активиста [«Хизб ут-Тахрир»], сообщают о прорыве труб Минобороны, которые военные уложили по земле от Тайгинского водохранилища к столице Крыма. // Крымский канал

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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. In 2018, Russia banned Telegram although it reversed the prohibition two years later. Anastasia Vlasova/Getty Images Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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