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Π§Π»Π΅Π½Ρ‹ Народного сопротивлСния (ополчСния иракской ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ) с ΠΏΠΎΡ€Ρ‚Ρ€Π΅Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΌΡŒΠ΅Ρ€-министра Абд аль-ΠšΠ°Ρ€ΠΈΠΌΠ° КасСма (1958-1963). КасСм возглавлял ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² 1958 Π³. ΠΎΡ€Π³Π°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΎΠ²Π°Π»ΠΈ Π²ΠΎΠ΅Π½Π½Ρ‹ΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΡ‚, полоТивший ΠΊΠΎΠ½Π΅Ρ† Ρ…Π°ΡˆΠΈΠΌΠΈΡ‚ΡΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΎΠ½Π°Ρ€Ρ…ΠΈΠΈ Π² Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ΅ (aka Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ»ΡŽΡ†ΠΈΡ 14 июля). Π₯отя Π½ΠΈ КасСм, Π½ΠΈ Ρ‡Π»Π΅Π½Ρ‹ Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΈΡ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒΡΡ‚Π²Π° Π½Π΅ Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΈ коммунистами, Π² 1958-59 Π³Π³. ΠΎΠ½ опирался Π½Π° ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ‡Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π΄Π΅Ρ€ΠΆΠΊΡƒ ИКП, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π°Π²ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒ своих ΠΎΠΏΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²-панарабистов, ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Ρ‚Ρ€Π΅Π±ΠΎΠ²Π°Π»ΠΈ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π΄Π»Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ вступлСния Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° Π² ΠžΠ±ΡŠΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΠ½Ρ‘Π½Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΠΡ€Π°Π±ΡΠΊΡƒΡŽ рСспублику (Π•Π³ΠΈΠΏΠ΅Ρ‚ + Бирия, 1958-61). Π’ частности, Π½Π° мятСТ арабско-националистичСских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ² Π² ΠœΠΎΡΡƒΠ»Π΅ (ΠΌΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ 1959) коммунисты ΠΎΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ‚ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ массовыми убийствами националистов ΠΈ ΡΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ°Ρ‚ΠΈΠ·ΠΈΡ€ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΡ… ΠΈΠΌ Π² этом Π³ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΠ΄Π΅.



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Π§Π»Π΅Π½Ρ‹ Народного сопротивлСния (ополчСния иракской ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ) с ΠΏΠΎΡ€Ρ‚Ρ€Π΅Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΌΡŒΠ΅Ρ€-министра Абд аль-ΠšΠ°Ρ€ΠΈΠΌΠ° КасСма (1958-1963). КасСм возглавлял ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² 1958 Π³. ΠΎΡ€Π³Π°Π½ΠΈΠ·ΠΎΠ²Π°Π»ΠΈ Π²ΠΎΠ΅Π½Π½Ρ‹ΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΡ‚, полоТивший ΠΊΠΎΠ½Π΅Ρ† Ρ…Π°ΡˆΠΈΠΌΠΈΡ‚ΡΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΎΠ½Π°Ρ€Ρ…ΠΈΠΈ Π² Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ΅ (aka Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ»ΡŽΡ†ΠΈΡ 14 июля). Π₯отя Π½ΠΈ КасСм, Π½ΠΈ Ρ‡Π»Π΅Π½Ρ‹ Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΡ€Π°Π²ΠΈΡ‚Π΅Π»ΡŒΡΡ‚Π²Π° Π½Π΅ Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΈ коммунистами, Π² 1958-59 Π³Π³. ΠΎΠ½ опирался Π½Π° ΡƒΠ»ΠΈΡ‡Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π΄Π΅Ρ€ΠΆΠΊΡƒ ИКП, Ρ‡Ρ‚ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹ ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π°Π²ΠΈΡ‚ΡŒ своих ΠΎΠΏΠΏΠΎΠ½Π΅Π½Ρ‚ΠΎΠ²-панарабистов, ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Ρ‚Ρ€Π΅Π±ΠΎΠ²Π°Π»ΠΈ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ΅Π΄Π»Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ вступлСния Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° Π² ΠžΠ±ΡŠΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΠ½Ρ‘Π½Π½ΡƒΡŽ ΠΡ€Π°Π±ΡΠΊΡƒΡŽ рСспублику (Π•Π³ΠΈΠΏΠ΅Ρ‚ + Бирия, 1958-61). Π’ частности, Π½Π° мятСТ арабско-националистичСских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ² Π² ΠœΠΎΡΡƒΠ»Π΅ (ΠΌΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ 1959) коммунисты ΠΎΡ‚Π²Π΅Ρ‚ΠΈΠ»ΠΈ массовыми убийствами националистов ΠΈ ΡΠΈΠΌΠΏΠ°Ρ‚ΠΈΠ·ΠΈΡ€ΡƒΡŽΡ‰ΠΈΡ… ΠΈΠΌ Π² этом Π³ΠΎΡ€ΠΎΠ΄Π΅.

BY Junger OrientalistπŸ•Š




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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. Asked about its stance on disinformation, Telegram spokesperson Remi Vaughn told AFP: "As noted by our CEO, the sheer volume of information being shared on channels makes it extremely difficult to verify, so it's important that users double-check what they read." Markets continued to grapple with the economic and corporate earnings implications relating to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. β€œWe have a ton of uncertainty right now,” said Stephanie Link, chief investment strategist and portfolio manager at Hightower Advisors. β€œWe’re dealing with a war, we’re dealing with inflation. We don’t know what it means to earnings.”
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