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Картины Бориса Кустодиева (1878-1927):

"Николай II" (1915);
"Масленица" (1916);
"Московский трактир" (1916);
"Ярмарка" (1906);
"Купчиха с чаем" (1918);
"Чтение манифеста" (1909);
"Большевик" (1920);
"Портрет Ф.И. Шаляпина" (1922);
— «Групповой портрет членов объединения „Мир искусства“»(Незаконченный).
Жанр: историческая живопись
Стиль: импрессионизм, реализм.
#Культура



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Картины Бориса Кустодиева (1878-1927):

"Николай II" (1915);
"Масленица" (1916);
"Московский трактир" (1916);
"Ярмарка" (1906);
"Купчиха с чаем" (1918);
"Чтение манифеста" (1909);
"Большевик" (1920);
"Портрет Ф.И. Шаляпина" (1922);
— «Групповой портрет членов объединения „Мир искусства“»(Незаконченный).
Жанр: историческая живопись
Стиль: импрессионизм, реализм.
#Культура

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The channel appears to be part of the broader information war that has developed following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin has paid Russian TikTok influencers to push propaganda, according to a Vice News investigation, while ProPublica found that fake Russian fact check videos had been viewed over a million times on Telegram. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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