Убийцы Хатыни: 118-й украинский батальон охранной полиции в Белоруссии, 1943–1944 гг. Сборник документов / Сост. И.А. Валаханович, А.Р. Дюков, Н.В. Кириллова, В.Д. Селеменев. М., 2018. 480 с.
Убийцы Хатыни: 118-й украинский батальон охранной полиции в Белоруссии, 1943–1944 гг. Сборник документов / Сост. И.А. Валаханович, А.Р. Дюков, Н.В. Кириллова, В.Д. Селеменев. М., 2018. 480 с.
BY Историк Дюков
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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." The gold standard of encryption, known as end-to-end encryption, where only the sender and person who receives the message are able to see it, is available on Telegram only when the Secret Chat function is enabled. Voice and video calls are also completely encrypted. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." Telegram boasts 500 million users, who share information individually and in groups in relative security. But Telegram's use as a one-way broadcast channel — which followers can join but not reply to — means content from inauthentic accounts can easily reach large, captive and eager audiences.
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