Госдед повесил медаль на юного кринж-певца Юркисса. Его отец Владимир Киселёв. Друг Путина, сидевший вымогатель. В этой базе МВД есть рапорт об арестах бандита Киселёва, что грабил и унижал слабых. На 18-летие Юриксс получил от мамы майбах М533РЕ777. Награды стали трэшем. Выблядки-орденоносцы изговнили собой всё, вплоть до Героя России.
Госдед повесил медаль на юного кринж-певца Юркисса. Его отец Владимир Киселёв. Друг Путина, сидевший вымогатель. В этой базе МВД есть рапорт об арестах бандита Киселёва, что грабил и унижал слабых. На 18-летие Юриксс получил от мамы майбах М533РЕ777. Награды стали трэшем. Выблядки-орденоносцы изговнили собой всё, вплоть до Героя России.
But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. WhatsApp, a rival messaging platform, introduced some measures to counter disinformation when Covid-19 was first sweeping the world. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
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