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انجمن علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه فردوسی | Telegram Webview: politicalfum/2874 -
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مدرسه علوم سیاسی چگونه تاسیس شد؟
به حکایت شادروان دکتر سیدجواد طباطبایی.

#مدرسه_علوم_سیاسی
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#دانشگاه_فردوسی_مشهد

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مدرسه علوم سیاسی چگونه تاسیس شد؟
به حکایت شادروان دکتر سیدجواد طباطبایی.

#مدرسه_علوم_سیاسی
#انجمن_علمی_علوم_سیاسی
#دانشگاه_فردوسی_مشهد

@politicalfum
@ssafum
@AEFUM

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Markets continued to grapple with the economic and corporate earnings implications relating to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. “We have a ton of uncertainty right now,” said Stephanie Link, chief investment strategist and portfolio manager at Hightower Advisors. “We’re dealing with a war, we’re dealing with inflation. We don’t know what it means to earnings.” For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital.
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