Никита Добрынин родился в Иркутске. 35 лет. Окончив Иркутский университет, семь лет работал на телевидении корреспондентом. Потом и таксистом был, и видео по заказу снимал, и даже свой магазин пива открыл. Но все же захотел работать в кино. С Москвой не очень сложилось. Поступил в мастерскую Александра Сокурова в Петербургском институте кино и телевидения, которую и закончил в прошлом декабре. Дипломным стал как раз фильм «Vad'd'a. Мытарства». На защите мастер говорил: «Я хочу поблагодарить Никиту за благородство отношения с этим материалом. Его картина останется как исторический документ».
Никита Добрынин родился в Иркутске. 35 лет. Окончив Иркутский университет, семь лет работал на телевидении корреспондентом. Потом и таксистом был, и видео по заказу снимал, и даже свой магазин пива открыл. Но все же захотел работать в кино. С Москвой не очень сложилось. Поступил в мастерскую Александра Сокурова в Петербургском институте кино и телевидения, которую и закончил в прошлом декабре. Дипломным стал как раз фильм «Vad'd'a. Мытарства». На защите мастер говорил: «Я хочу поблагодарить Никиту за благородство отношения с этим материалом. Его картина останется как исторический документ».
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. "There is a significant risk of insider threat or hacking of Telegram systems that could expose all of these chats to the Russian government," said Eva Galperin with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which has called for Telegram to improve its privacy practices. Since its launch in 2013, Telegram has grown from a simple messaging app to a broadcast network. Its user base isn’t as vast as WhatsApp’s, and its broadcast platform is a fraction the size of Twitter, but it’s nonetheless showing its use. While Telegram has been embroiled in controversy for much of its life, it has become a vital source of communication during the invasion of Ukraine. But, if all of this is new to you, let us explain, dear friends, what on Earth a Telegram is meant to be, and why you should, or should not, need to care. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
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