От себя лично отмечу два прикладных доклада коллег по цеху — Вячеслава Белякова и Павла Тимофеева. Выводы неутешительные: российскому рынку избирательных кампаний требуется всё меньше узких специалистов и результатов их hand-made труда. Не талантливый райтер, умный идеолог, классный видеограф остаются в рынке, а (пока) управленец, который может эффективно распределять задачи и ресурсы внутри относительно компактной команды, усиленной всевозможными творческими и цифровыми «экзоскелетами» (AI-made труд).
От себя лично отмечу два прикладных доклада коллег по цеху — Вячеслава Белякова и Павла Тимофеева. Выводы неутешительные: российскому рынку избирательных кампаний требуется всё меньше узких специалистов и результатов их hand-made труда. Не талантливый райтер, умный идеолог, классный видеограф остаются в рынке, а (пока) управленец, который может эффективно распределять задачи и ресурсы внутри относительно компактной команды, усиленной всевозможными творческими и цифровыми «экзоскелетами» (AI-made труд).
Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. At the start of 2018, the company attempted to launch an Initial Coin Offering (ICO) which would enable it to enable payments (and earn the cash that comes from doing so). The initial signals were promising, especially given Telegram’s user base is already fairly crypto-savvy. It raised an initial tranche of cash – worth more than a billion dollars – to help develop the coin before opening sales to the public. Unfortunately, third-party sales of coins bought in those initial fundraising rounds raised the ire of the SEC, which brought the hammer down on the whole operation. In 2020, officials ordered Telegram to pay a fine of $18.5 million and hand back much of the cash that it had raised. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Under the Sebi Act, the regulator has the power to carry out search and seizure of books, registers, documents including electronics and digital devices from any person associated with the securities market.
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