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اتحادیه انجمن های علمی علوم سیاسی ایران | Telegram Webview: USIPS_IR/3261 -
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🔺 نشست صمیمی اعضای مجمع عمومی اتحادیه انجمن های علمی دانشجویی علوم سیاسی ایران و دبیران و نمایندگان انجمن های علمی علوم سیاسی، روابط بین الملل، مطالعات منطقه ای و سیاستگذاری عمومی دانشگاه های سراسر کشور
با جناب آقای دکتر محمدجواد ظریف وزیر سابق امور خارجه و عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه تهران

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روابط عمومی اتحادیه انجمن های علمی دانشجویی علوم سیاسی ایران

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. WhatsApp, a rival messaging platform, introduced some measures to counter disinformation when Covid-19 was first sweeping the world. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford.
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